THE HARDER LESSONS OF Nogun-ri
By Dave Hughes –
{David R. Hughes, Colonel
A lot of ink, most of it from outside wire services, has
been spilled over the alleged ‘massacre’ of South Korean civilians at Nogun-ri,
Well, there are
many lessons that came out of that war, and many unreported factors which
contributed to that incident at Nogun-ri.
There are much broader issues raised by this incident that the press has
not commented on. So I will.
I think I am
qualified to comment about the Korean War, and this particular incident, and
what they all mean. For not only did I
fight in Korea through some of its bloodiest periods, I was called on years
later to analyze for high US officials, why the Chinese intervened there.
Even more to
the point, I served in the 7th Cavalry Regiment, arriving soon after
the events at Nogun-ri, and I have been an active member of the Korean Chapter
of the 7th US Cavalry Association, over 950 strong, with whose
members of all ranks and backgrounds I have associated for over 6 years. I personally know many of the officers and
men who were involved in this incident.
I have now talked to over 25 of them, doing my own ‘investigation’ of
what reporters with no military experience have done for the press. This includes one soldier who admits to being
the primary machine gunner firing into the tunnels at Nogun-ri.
First off,
there is no question that hard pressed and nearly disintegrating units of the
2d Battalion, 7th Cavalry, 3 days after entering that war, both
under orders, and using their own judgment fired at groups of people in the two
culverts at Nogun-ri, killing and wounding an unknown number of them. But whether that was a ‘massacre’, or an
illegal use of force—a war crime—and whether shooting into that culvert was
justified by military imperatives, are very different questions. I have my serious doubts it was the crime as
alleged. But I will await the outcome of
the investigation ordered by the Secretary of Defense before passing my final
judgment. Even the number and identity
of people killed there is in wide dispute.
But I don’t
have to wait for the results of that investigation to point out that, under
recognized military law, there are military conditions under which
I have
determined from the memories of 7th Cav soldiers who were there, and
by re-studying a detailed history of the 7th Cav in Korea by a
Company Commander whom I knew, and who was in that unit at the time, that the
military situation justified extraordinary measures for the survival of the
whole command. Our troops were on the
verge of another Bataan like catastrophe.
Hordes of refugees mixed in with North Korean infiltrators who themselves
were violating the laws of war as a matter of high policy, gravely threatened
our forces.
The second
point is that the condition of readiness of the US Army, both in Japan on
occupation duty, and in the U.S. was so poor, caused by the willy nilly cuts
made by Congress after World War II, that it was a crime to throw such ill
prepared, poorly equipped green troops into a invading Army. Gen. MacArthur may have been overly confident
we could beat the North Koreans, but the 1st Cavalry Division was a hollow
shell of what it had been in the South Pacific.
And a parsimonious Congress had refused modernization and improvement of
our fighting equipment. Our soldiers
were killed shooting ineffective rocket launchers at modern Soviet tanks. The company at Nogun-ri was fired on with
impunity by just such a Russian tank.
The combat training of the units in Japan was very poor, partly because
we did not want to damage the land of a recovering Japan. Today environmentalists have made combat
training, even on our federally owned bases, ever more difficult. We paid for that set of priorities in blood
the first two months of the Korean War.
The troops were also in bad physical condition. That, however, was the clear fault of Army
commanders in Japan. Which, as today,
reflects on our efforts to recruit and retain the very best officers and NCOs
in time of peace. Something we neglect
at our peril.
The invasion of
Korea was a total surprise to the US and UN, as was the invasion of
Kuwait. We keep kidding ourselves that,
since the Berlin Wall came down, there can be no other such surprises. Or that we can meet them all, and lower our
guard, and disperse our forces. All on
the cheap. That is a fool’s
paradise.
When I read
editorials saying, in effect, that we should have let South Korea fight its own
battles, and not have shed American blood, young journalists of today are
probably unaware that our government deliberately denied tanks, heavy
artillery, and modern aircraft to the South Korean Army after we pulled our
troops out after the free elections of 1948.
They could not have defended themselves after North Korea had built up –
which our poor intelligence services, because they too had been gutted, failed
to detect.
If we are going
to let countries friendly to ourselves fight their own battles, then we had
either best not supply them at all, and let them fall under the control of more
aggressive nations with no such scruples as we have, or else we should properly
support them. We can’t have it both ways
while also expecting to trade and move freely across the world.
"Freedom is Not
Free", reads the inscription on the Korean War Memorial in Washington. A Memorial that neither glorifies our
victories in war, as does the Iwo Jima monument, nor displays a nation feeling
sorry for itself, as the Vietnam Memorial seems to say to me. And I fought there too in the infantry. The silent, larger than life, steel soldier
figures marching forward forever doing their thankless jobs at the Korean
Monument, in our most Forgotten of Wars, perfectly portrays what we did in
Korea, without fanfare or failure.
Reasoning,
about where we come to the defense of others taken to a logical conclusion,
would have been better for us to have capitulated at the peace table when
Stalin was ready to turn all of Korea into a communist state. We should have let Saddam Hussain’s invasion
of Kuwait stand. And if China threatens
Taiwan, we should turn our back.
Instead, we stood for letting the people of South Korea, who had been
oppressively occupied by Japan, determine their own destiny, by democratic
means. So the 38th Parallel
compromise was reached, resulting in a grim, belligerent and impoverished
dictatorship in the north, but 46 years of ever more representative and
independent democracy and prosperity in the south.
My daughter in
law, who now teaches at the Air Force Academy, came from Communist China. Her parents were respected doctors in the Red
Army there, trying to save lives north of the Yalu River while I, in the 7th
US Cavalry south of it, were sending them battlefield patients in the bitter
winter fighting of 1950. Ironic, isn’t
it? When I visited Ha Ning’s aged
parents in Dalian, China, and we discussed that war, I told Col Zhou that I thought
China had made a big mistake in pushing us back out of North Korea after we
defeated the North Korean Army. He
wanted to know why. Because, I said, the
United States is more generous and successful with its defeated enemies—such as
Germany and Japan, than it is to its friends, such as England. Had we stayed in North Korea, it would be
today as prosperous as South Korea, and not a dangerous basket case which China
has to help feed, and prevent from starting a nuclear war. He didn’t have much to say.
We paid the
price of 54,000 American dead, and 8,000 still missing in action, for the
freedom and prosperity of South Korea, including that of the 30 claimants for
compensation for Nogun-ri.
I do not think
we owe them any more than we have already paid in blood and treasure. We probably should pull out of Korea, but
remain ready to go back in. Being sure,
unlike the uncertain trumpet we blew in 1950, that potential enemies know loud
and clear we do not let free nations come under their heel.
Unlike many
editorial writers, I think the Korean War was fully worth the price we
paid. I am proud that Hill 347 that I
walked off of on October 7th, 1951 48 years ago today, with our
handful of Company K, 7th Cavalry, survivors after our final battle
before the truce, is still part of the line of freedom. My grandsons, born of both Chinese and
American ancestry, will be taught why I think it was worth it.
I would hope
American newspapers take such a wider, educational view of the 50th
anniversary of the Korean War when it comes round next June 25th. It will be a time for younger Americans to
relearn some very old lessons. The
Harder Lessons of Nogun-ri.
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